Meral Çiçek: Kurdish women wage a dual struggle

News Center- “One of the most destructive side effects or consequences of the unholy trinity of capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism is the destruction of communalist systems of society. The establishment of the capitalist nation-state goes hand in hand with the elimination of democratic practices of self-governance. This, in turn, affects women in particular as they are deprived of their existence as social and political subjects within the community and the family,” says Meral Çiçek on the WSF2021 panel.
Initiated in opposition to the exclusive World Economic Forum, the World Social Forum (WSF) has become an important space for civil society movements to propose alternatives to the dominant system under the slogan, “Another world is possible” since 2001. Women’s movements gather to discuss alternatives to the systems. This year, the twentieth year of the World Social Forum, the WSF has gone virtual, from 24 to 31 January due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
“One of the most destructive side effects or consequences of the unholy trinity of capitalism, patriarchy, and colonialism is the destruction of communalist systems of society. The establishment of the capitalist nation-state goes hand in hand with the elimination of democratic practices of self-governance. This, in turn, affects women in particular as they are deprived of their existence as social and political subjects within the community and the family,” said Meral Çiçek, board member of the Kurdish Women’s Relations Office (REPAK), on the WSF2021 panel entitled “Revolutionary Feminisms for Other Possible and Necessary Worlds”.
Stating that the more the capitalist, colonialist nation-states in Kurdistan have expanded their sphere of influence the more women lost, Meral Çiçek said, “Furthermore, in the course of the green belt project starting in the late 1970s, western hegemonic forces (especially the CIA) promoted the construction of so-called political Islam, through which patriarchy was further imposed on society. All this resulted in increased patriarchal violence, next to anti-Kurdish state oppression.”
Underlining the struggle of Kurdish women, Meral Çiçek said that the Women’s Liberation Movement of Kurdistan, which looks back on a history of more than 30 years, wages a dual struggle. On the one hand, she leads the struggle for the liberation of Kurdistan from fascist occupation and colonialism; on the other hand, she fights for overcoming all forms and expressions of patriarchy.
Meral Çiçek also emphasized special characteristics, experiences, and reflections, which will be of importance for women’s movements in other parts of the world and she said,
“Firstly; When the Kurdish Freedom Movement under the leadership of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) started in the 1970s to organize, the gender question was not considered as a primary issue. Although women played an important role since the beginning, the conventional view was that the national question and the class question are central. But by time and through profound analyses of the history of revolutions and the history of power, the leader of the movement, Abdullah Öcalan, came to the conclusion that the question of power, oppression, and exploitation can only be solved through women’s liberation. This means that revolutionary movements have to put women’s liberation in the center of their struggle in order to make a true revolution.
Secondly; In order to be the subjects of a revolution or the construction of an alternative system, women need to be organized autonomously. This is the main source of strength for women: autonomy. Kurdish women draw their strength from their collectively organized will. All decisions concerning women are taken by women. Women have their own decision-making processes, where men are not able to intervene. But the autonomously organized women’s movement bears responsibility toward the whole liberation movement and the general struggle. She assumes her responsibility through equal representation and participation in the general struggle while all-female militants are primarily members of the women’s movement, whose collectively organized will they represent.
Thirdly; one main lesson of our struggle is that freedom needs organization. The liberalist claim of individual freedom is nonsense. Freedom is possible in the process of organizing. Today we have numerous strong female commanders, fighters, politicians, co-chairs, assembly women because they are part of an autonomously organized movement. They can count on their movement, no matter what happens.
Fourthly; theory and practice are complementary. Nevertheless, the production of knowledge and consciousness is crucial in revolutionary women’s struggle for overcoming the patriarchal mindset and constructing a democratic and free alternative. As a movement, we name our proposal Jineology, which can be translated as the science of women and life. Jineology aims to dismantle the dominant ideology in all its aspects while uncovering women’s, communities, and nature’s knowledge.
Fifthly; In order to combat patriarchy and sexism, we need to start in our own ranks. We need to be radical. Often men accuse women, who take action against male violence within the movement, of weakening the struggle and serving the interests of the enemy. The women’s council of the pro-Kurdish socialist People’s Democracy Party recently expelled two male MPs because of domestic violence. The party’s women’s council took this decision despite the fascist Turkish state’s repressions against and approaches to close down the party.
Sixthly; In order to defend ourselves, our movements, our communities, and our country against the increasing attacks by patriarchy, by colonialist state power, by jihadist forces like ISIS, by capitalist modernity, we need to strengthen women’s self-defense. Maybe this is one of the most distinctive features of the Kurdish women’s movement: That she has the world’s only women’s guerrilla army in the mountains of Kurdistan and thousands of women’s protection forces in Rojava/Northern Syria. We observe that worldwide sexist and misogynist attacks on women are increasing. For hundreds of years, the patriarchal-capitalist state system has denied women’s and people’s right to self-defense by criminalizing it and monopolizing the use of violence. In this sense, it is extremely important that more and more women around the world develop a consciousness of the need for self-defense against all kinds of patriarchal violence, especially rape and murder.
Seventhly; we observe also that the killing of female community leaders and politicians is increasing extremely. This wave of feminicides against women leaders from Kurdistan to Afghanistan, from Brazil to Kenia is systematic in character. In Kurdistan, especially the fascist Turkish state and its jihadist mercenaries are targeting leading members of the women’s movement with armed drones or through beheading, like a couple of days ago in Rojava, where two female assembly members were assassinated. The Kurdish women’s movement has launched a campaign under the title “100 reasons to prosecute Erdoğan for his feminicidal policies”. Furthermore, the movement recently made a call to movements around the world for the joint struggle to stop the political murders by states, cartels, and corporations committed against women.”
In the end, Meral Çiçek pointed out that despite the urgent need of establishing strong, effective, radical, functional women’s alliances we need to talk together about the how and she added, “We need to find a form and a method that reproduces an optimal balance between the local and the global. That does not create new hierarchies and power relations but the revolutionary dialectics of multitudes. We as the Women’s Liberation Movement of Kurdistan have prepared a proposal which we call Democratic World Women’s Confederalism as a kind of women’s internationalism in the 21st century. We hope to be able to discuss this proposal with you in the near future as there is a century to win. Maybe for the first time in the history of patriarchy, we have the possibility to turn our century in the age of women’s revolution.”