Zohour ALmashriqi

Tunis-There is no doubt that violence against women in Tunisia is nothings new. It has accompanied them since a childhood in male-dominated societies, where they face gender-based discrimination, exclusion, and all forms of violence. since what is known as Tunisia’s independence, women’s organizations have a sought to establish institutions dedicated to women and human rights to shed light on violence against women and uncover it’s causes. Yet, despite these efforts, speaking about “violence “Remained a Tabu foe many years, with the main justifications for this silence rooted notion of “shame” and “honor”.

Before 2011, merely voicing an anti-violence slogan was a significant risk. Ben Ali’s regime adopted a strict and exclusionary approach toward women, making gender-based discrimination pervasive across all sectors of society and indirectly legitimizing violence. The authoritarian system also imposed silence and fear in the public sphere. Despite these repressive policies, women worked tirelessly to create spaces for resistance and to push for legal reforms that would protect them from violence and violations.

The legal gains achieved by the Tunisian women’s movement since the 1960s cannot be underestimated. These achievements emerged during a difficult period marked by an intense political struggle between the progressive national movement and conservative traditional forces over women’s rights in the aftermath of independence. This struggle was clearly reflected in the adoption of laws protecting women’s rights—most notably the 1956 Personal Status Code—and in the efforts to raise awareness within Tunisian society.

A Feminist Understanding of the State

The state has long sought to impose laws upon women without abandoning its non-democratic policies, maintaining the structure of an anti-democratic state. Religious conservatism, gender discrimination, and patriarchal nationalism were turned into the ideology of social life. Even today, this mentality remains influential in Tunisia, where violence against women is viewed as natural seen as a “disciplinary tool”—and legitimized through traditions shaped by a particular understanding of gender. From this perspective, women and girls are seen as “deficient in reason and religion,” believed to lack agency and therefore managed by men who are “authorized” to discipline them. The man is the decision-maker within the family, directing all spheres of society. In every case, control must remain in men’s hands.

To this day, traces of this mindset are evident in many feminist movements that emerged in Tunisia. The state created several “official women’s institutions” with the aim of keeping women under control. In the activities organized by these institutions, men assume roles of guidance and instruction, and this arrangement has been normalized among participating women. Some even consider men's presence an advantage or an opportunity to raise awareness, which traps them in a deep illusion. From this perspective, Tunisia’s policies toward women resemble those of Egypt—appearing democratic on the surface while in reality pushing women toward a subtle yet profound form of subjugation.

 

Law 58 on Combating Violence Against Women

Nonetheless, it is necessary to highlight the successes of women’s organizations that recognized how male violence is rooted in a performance of power emanating from the patriarchal structure of the state. Despite immense pressure and ideological constraints, their struggle bore fruit with the adoption of Law No. 58 in 2017, aimed at combating violence against women. Women continued their efforts to pass this law despite numerous arrests, detentions, acts of torture, and violent suppression of protests—paving the way for a genuine feminist revolution in Tunisia. For Tunisian women, there are two defining periods: before 2017 and after.

According to data from the National Institute of Statistics, 47.6% of Tunisian women have experienced violence at least once in their lives. Studies also show that domestic violence, along with physical and psychological violence, is among the most widespread forms.

Denying Survivors the Right to Prosecute Their Abusers

Psychologist Soumaya Belhaj argues that all forms of violence leave psychological trauma behind. Psychological violence is no longer an invisible form that goes unnoticed; its indicators—such as pain, suffering, and lack of self-worth—are now recognized by specialists.

She urges women to break the barrier of fear and silence, reject violence, seek professional diagnosis, and prosecute abusers, describing psychological violence as an independent and highly harmful form of abuse. “Women must not view violence as normal. They must resist all approaches that normalize it. They should seek specialists and file legal complaints, because psychological violence is one of the most damaging forms.”

Despite rising rates of violence, state officials claim that cases have declined significantly since Law 58 came into force in 2017. Civil society organizations reacted angrily, describing these statements as yet another form of violence against women. Civil society representatives assert that the official figures do not reflect reality, and that true numbers are being concealed by the state. Data shared by NGOs indicate a noticeable rise in violence in recent years.

Although Law 58 was celebrated internationally and even inspired other countries—such as Morocco—it now faces serious implementation issues. Women survivors are often denied their right to file criminal complaints against perpetrators, without any explanation.

The State as a Perpetrator of Violence

When comparing the same period of 2024, it becomes clear that married women experienced more violence this year. In 2024, married women accounted for 46% of cases, followed by unmarried women at 42%.

Regarding types of violence, psychological abuse ranked first at 32%, followed by physical violence at 28%, then sexual violence at 16%—a sharp rise from 2023, when sexual violence cases did not exceed 5%. These findings published by “Aswat Nisaa” align with figures from the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women, which report that between 3 and 4 women are killed each month, and that domestic violence rates reach 70%.

Growing Demands to Criminalize Femicide

Women’s organizations argue that gender-based violence will continue to rise as long as state institutions maintain their limited approach and fail to enact meaningful reforms to the legal framework that enables violence to persist.

Activists and feminist organizations are calling for the explicit recognition of “femicide” as a legal category, emphasizing that women are targeted precisely because they are women. This amendment is intended to facilitate judicial follow-up and ensure proper accountability under Law 58, reflecting the true gravity of the crime.

 

The Feminist Movement and Press Freedom

Decree 54 has significantly restricted the journalistic sphere and poses a serious threat to free press practices in Tunisia. Human rights reports document threats and prosecutions against journalists for their reporting. As a result, Tunisia fell to rank 118 out of 180 in the 2024 World Press Freedom Index, down from 121 in 2023—reflecting an unprecedented erosion of press freedom gained after the revolution.

Amid these challenges, women journalists face increasing pressure. Their struggles extend beyond legal restrictions and economic hardship to include digital harassment, threats, and workplace discrimination. Reports from the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists indicate that women journalists are the most targeted by legal prosecutions and professional restrictions, especially as the economic crisis destabilizes private media outlets—leading many to job loss or precarious working conditions.

Journalist Yosra Belalhi, who focuses on women’s issues, notes that the feminist movement in Tunisia made major gains after independence, beginning with the Personal Status Code. She stresses that the Code was a lifeline for women compared to the rest of the region. Tunisian women continued their fight for equal inheritance rights and sought to update the Code to match contemporary realities, alongside advocating for the adoption of the 2017 law on gender-based violence.

However, she believes this is not enough. Laws are often reshaped according to political considerations, rights are withdrawn, and gains undermined. Women are increasingly subjected to all forms of violence—even murder—as access to justice becomes difficult for survivors of psychological, physical, economic, or political violence.

She also highlights the growing trend of digital violence and cyber-harassment targeting women—especially activists—through bullying and defamation linked to political or human rights positions. While the law applies to content creators of all genders, women have been disproportionately prosecuted.

Belalhi adds that Tunisia’s feminist movement once championed women’s causes across the region, but today it faces similar setbacks, with rising violence and declining rights. “There is normalization of rights violations, of violence, and a lack of seriousness in dealing with perpetrators or killers,” she warns. “Worse still is society’s normalization of these violations.” She asks sharply: “What use is a whole arsenal of laws if it cannot stop violence and murder?”

Gains and Challenges

This year witnessed the rise of prominent feminist initiatives focused on protecting civic space, preserving the memory of feminist struggle, and promoting new youth-led movements linking women’s issues with minority rights and marginalized communities. These new feminist and youth initiatives adopt a more inclusive discourse connecting gender issues with colonialism, discrimination, and social justice, while emphasizing migrant and refugee women’s rights as part of re-shaping the movement.

The Tunisian Association of Democratic Women played a key role in documenting independent feminist struggles and preserving the movement’s archives. However, these efforts faced serious challenges—most notably the government’s decision last October to suspend the activities of several organizations, including the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women and the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights, for one month. Activists expressed alarm, viewing the move as part of a broader crackdown on civil society and an attempt to weaken intermediary bodies critical of the authorities. Many linked the suspension to recent protests in Gabès demanding an end to a chronic environmental crisis, interpreting it as an effort to divert attention from pollution and declining purchasing power.

Persistent Fears

Ignoring violence against women in Tunisia—and the government’s own acknowledgment that violence has risen since the Covid-19 crisis—has fueled widespread public concern. Social constraints continue to marginalize women and deny them equal opportunities, resulting in severe under-representation not only in institutions and organizations but also in political life, leaving the Tunisian state locked in a male-dominated balance.

Women propose enhancing social and political awareness around gender equality, achieving social and economic justice, strengthening women’s economic independence, and expanding programs that bolster women’s political participation. They also stress the need to combat political violence that impedes civil society organizations and activists through threats and defamation. They call for confronting incitement and hate speech that promote violence, and emphasize the necessity of holding perpetrators accountable through the effective implementation of laws that protect women and ensure an end to impunity